“Violence takes place” is a common phrase when talking about violence. However, we usually think of this as figurative speech. This project took a landscape approach exploring how multiple forms of violence occupy spaces and places, and by doing so how they affect children in the formation of their identity. It casts a wide net of what counts as violence (and for whom) and how forms of violence interact with place-making.

A large part of the research focused on one highly marginalized area in El Salvador, making explicit how the definitions of types of violence are tied to political decisions. Distinctions between symbolic forms and other forms of violence, for example, focus on physical (and observable) harm - at the expense of psychological harm and trauma. Such distinctions ignore the fact that what is usually described as symbolic violence frequently interacts with actions that lead to physical (visible) harm. Said differently, the symbolic violence included in losing a parent to migration or imprisonment usually not only includes shaming (your mother doesn’t love you or you and your family are terrorists / gang members), but also increases a child’s risk of being physically abused. This increased risk includes bullying in school, to different forms of being physically harmed by authoritative figures. However, not all these acts are necessarily assumed as violence.

The research suggests that rather than focusing on types of violence, it is more productive to take a victim centered approach, exploring the constellations of the different actors involved in what is (or isn’t) identified (and by whom) as violent acts. For example, children frequently do NOT identify being hit by a parent or another authority figure (such as a teacher or another adult family member) as “violence.” Instead, they often described these acts as educational and part of “being a child.”

This is different when a stranger carries out the aggression. (Similar findings have been reported for within-marriage sexual violence). The difference in evaluation of the seemingly same act indicates that “hitting” (the form of violence) is less important than who engages in it. This argument follows points made by feminist scholars. However, the research indicates that we must extend this argument into a triad, exploring the relationship of perpetrator, victim, and the wider discourse, “the public voice” within which violence occurs. In El Salvador, for example, “public voice” has constructed entire areas as violent. Fusing the spaces with the people, inhabitants are constructed as lesser citizens in need of control and containment. This directly affects how children are perceived of and how they are treated. This, in turn, directly affected how the children are thinking of themselves as well as the wider world.

These themes became extremely clear during the COVID-19 pandemic as well as the state of emergency (now in its 3^rd year!) the government declared in 2022 to combat gang violence. Around the same time when the government rolled out a new legislation of child protection, new laws were approved allowing children age-12 and older to be incarcerated as adult terrorists, without access to parents, or a lawyer.

With over 85,000 people imprisoned as part of the state of exception, not only are youth and children incarcerated but many have lost family members – including main providers of their families. Being forced to live with other family members (or neighbors) makes children even more vulnerable. Yet the threat of incarceration focuses on specific areas defined as “violent,” usually also areas of high levels of poverty. Not only does such a focus fuse physical spaces of past violence with their inhabitants, but they also focus on very specific acts of violence (usually gang related murders). Through these policies areas of marginalization are created that affect children on several levels. (1) Children have become victims of incarcerations or suffered increased vulnerabilities through incarcerations of family members. (2) The constant fear of incarceration limits children’s activities (such as playing soccer in the field or hanging out with friends). (3) Children are usually aware of their treatment (and that of their families and friends) by law enforcement and “outsiders.” As they grow up, they realize the restrictions this puts on their development (from poor schooling, to not getting a job), creating trauma (low self-esteem), resentment, depression, frequently leading to thoughts of suicide, joining a gang, or planning to migrate.

The PI has devised a methodology that includes focus group work based on theater games.

The work has already led to several articles and a book manuscript. A second book manuscript and articles are submitted or in the making. The PI has presented talks at both academic and non-academic events.  Among other things, the PI has contributed to the State Department training of future diplomats and has written several editorials for the wider public.

Last Modified: 10/17/2024
Modified by: Norbert Ross